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Nov 13, 2010

Police State Keynesism


From the Economic Policy Journal SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 13, 2010
By Eric Phillips

The TSA’s campaign to virtually strip search air travelers with its new full body scanners is forcing Americans to confront the true nature of the police state like never before. In this microcosm of totalitarianism, all are guilty until proven innocent. None enjoy the right to privacy. And the few—the federal employees directing the security theater—are allowed to do things that would land the rest in jail. The TSA stepped up its efforts to implement these machines across the country in the wake of the 2009 Christmas Day bombing attempt. Political decisions like this, of course, are not guided by considerations of efficiency or effectiveness. Several commentators have pointed to Michael Chertoff’s connection to Rapiscan, a chief manufacturer of the scanners. Chertoff, the Secretary of Homeland Security from 2005 to 2009, has lobbied hard for the scanners in dozens of media interviews since he’s left office. Incidentally, Rapiscan is a major client of the Chertoff Group, the former secretary’s security consulting firm. Such corrupt dealings are a defining facet of today’s corporatist regime. The same cozy relationship that connects Goldman Sachs and the Treasury Department, exists between security contractors and the police state, between defense contractors and the military, and between insurance companies and the growing health care state. 

Fortunately for Chertoff and his clients, the pretext of the Christmas bombing attempt coincided nicely with the disbursement of economic stimulus funds. The Recovery Act initially provided the TSA with $25 million to install new scanners. This figure was quickly expanded to $173 million in the aftermath of the scare. In a recent press release, DHS Secretary Janet Napolitano brags that the installation of scanners at eight new locations will strengthen “security at U.S. airports while creating local jobs.” Not only, then, are the long lines and systematic humiliation of the modern airport a microcosm of the police state; they are a microcosm of the Keynesian policy of wealth redistribution and the corrupt system of interest group politics that necessarily accompanies it. Whenever Congress gets an additional $787 billion to spend, it’s inevitable that each individual member will fight to divert part of the loot to his constituency, pet programs, and favored contractors. Rent seeking, logrolling, and vote trading will ensure that all components of leviathan will expand—the welfare state, the warfare state, and the police state. Politicians can easily draw on Keynesians like Paul Krugman—who emphasize that spending, anyspending, and as much spending as possible is necessary to fight recessions—to justify their political patronage. In this post-9/11 world, with its unified Department of Homeland Security and ever larger economic stimulus packages, police state Keynesianism will lead to more egregious attacks on Americans’ privacy and the continued federalization and militarization of police and security forces across the nation. 

Unfortunately, neither major political philosophy in America adequately addresses the apparatus of taxation and redistribution that makes the existence of tyrannical agencies like the TSA possible. Progressivism, which on the one hand opposes the federal government’s assault on civil liberties, but on the other hand calls for confiscatory levels of taxation and massive sums of government spending, is just as self-contradictory and incoherent as conservatism, which espouses the virtues of small government while demanding an ever larger military and intelligence budget. Only when Americans transcend what Tom Woods refers to as “the spectrum that runs from Mitch McConnell to Hillary Clinton” will the TSA truly be threatened. 
  
Eric Phillips is a graduate student in history at Temple University. He can be reached at  etp1985@gmail.com
__________
Michael Chertoff, son of an Israeli Mossad agent



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PROBE OF CHERTOFF URGED 

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G20 Goes Wrong?


From The Daily BellSaturday, November 13, 2010 – by  Staff Report

President of the Council and Commission, Herman Van Rompuy and Manuel Durao Barroso, expressed their satisfaction over the outcome of the G20 Seoul Summit held between 11 and 12 November 2010. The EU wanted this summit to make progress on joint action to boost global growth and jobs and therefore welcomes that the Seoul Action plan commits the G20 further to global action for balanced growth. The Action Plan agreed in Seoul G20 Summit is a clear recognition of the joint responsibility held by all countries. All major economies have agreed to do their part to achieve rebalancing to tackle imbalances and will strengthen the mutual assessment process to promote external sustainability. Barroso and Van Rompuy expressed their satisfaction on the fact that the EU method to use indicators to trigger an assessment of macro-economic imbalances and their root causes was backed by the G20 leaders, and have committed to bring the experiences gathered from the process of adopting a robust mechanism to address macro-economic imbalances which is currently into place. – Euroalert

Dominant Social Theme: OK, it all worked out.

Free-Market Analysis: The G20 Summit has come and gone. Herman Van Rompuy may be satisfied with its outcome but the chances are that many involved in the Western power elite nexus will not be. There was evidently and obviously pressure put on China to cooperate more effectively with the West on monetary issues, and so far China seems to be resisting. In fact the G20 as an aggregate, and especially the BRIC nations, seem fairly unresponsive to Anglo-American pressure at this date.

In the run-up to the conference it was becoming obvious that there would not be full agreement regarding what the United States hoped to accomplish. The common wisdom holds that the US is concerned with an undervalued yuan, which allows the Chinese to sell easily into American markets. But we have wondered if it is the vast quantity of securities that China has accumulated as a result of its policies that is bothering the West. The growing power of the Chinese, via its accumulation of gold and dollars is likely becoming a drag on any contemplated dollar policy.

The US, for instance, wants to print money, but still has no assurances that other countries will not debase their currencies as well. And while our perspective on these global sideshows is that they have been created to rubber-stamp the policies that the Anglo-American elite supposedly wants put in place, we can see from this most recent G20 meeting that stated Western objectives have not been entirely accepted by any means. On the other hand, we have noted that Western interests are taking a higher profile in China; the Rothschild banking dynasty itself recently received a high-profile banking charter; a large Chinese auto facility is apparently taking a significant position in GM.

It is hard to tell, currently, the significance of these moves. One thing seems certain: Insofar as the G20 is concerned, the Anglo-American elites are not having their way. We have written on several occasions this past week that we would wait to try to figure out what this might mean; and there could be several different meanings actually. But on its surface, it remains a rejection of US policy, as we can see restated in this AP story:

G-20 refuses to back US push on China's currency ... Leaders of 20 major economies on Friday refused to back a U.S. push to make China boost its currency's value, keeping alive a dispute that raises fears of a global trade war amid criticism that cheap Chinese exports are costing American jobs.
A joint statement issued by the leaders including President Barack Obama and China's Hu Jintao tried to recreate the unity that was evident when the Group of 20 rich and developing nations held its first summit two years ago during the global financial meltdown. But deep divisions, especially over the U.S.-China currency dispute, left G-20 officials negotiating all night to draft a watered-down statement for the leaders to endorse ...

The G-20's failure to adopt the U.S. stand has underlined Washington's reduced influence on the international stage, especially on economic matters. In another setback, Obama also failed to conclude a free trade agreement this week with South Korea. The biggest disappointment for the United States was the pledge by the leaders to refrain from "competitive devaluation" of currencies. Such a statement is of little consequence since countries usually only devalue their currencies – making it less worth against the dollar – in extreme situations like a severe financial crisis.

The statement decided against using a slightly different wording favored by the U.S. – "competitive undervaluation," which would have shown the G-20 taking a stronger stance on China's currency policy. The crux of the dispute is Washington's allegations that Beijing is artificially keeping its currency, the yuan, weak to gain a trade advantage. U.S. business lobbies say that a cheaper yuan costs American jobs because production moves to China to take advantage of low labor costs and undervalued currency.

While the outcome of the meeting seems clear, there are certainly different ways that it could be interpreted in the alternative, "conspiratorial" media. Accepting that the power elite aims at creating world government, one could argue that a diminishment of US clout brings such an environment closer. One could also argue, as we pointed recently, that failures involving the G20 generate increased nervousness and thus hasten the kind of financial chaos that the Western elites can take advantage of.

Regardless of how the G20 meeting ended up, there is also a case to be made that China is not nearly so powerful as the Western mainstream media is presenting that country. As we have pointed out, the regime itself is anything but universally popular. (What authoritarian regime is?) It is also representative of the Han, China's largest ethnicity and thus there are certain ethnic and racial overtones to the regime's actions.

Even laying aside the grievances that the Chinese may have with their government, there are other reasons to believe that the China's rulers are anything but secure. We have pointed out for over a year – long before most observers began to criticize China's overheated economy – how delicate the economy was generally. Price inflation in our view is almost out of control, and the sprawling system itself is a mimic of capitalism, not a reality. As authoritarian as the West has become, it is nothing compared to China: A kind of Potemkin village of capitalism where nothing is as it seems.

To the outside observer, China appears to be an increasingly competitive place. But our argument is that like many authoritarian states, marketplace competition is reserved for the small vendor selling cell phones or sunglasses out of shops, kiosks or on the street. Meanwhile, the financial system only appears to be contentious. In fact, the major players all report to the communist party to receive their orders.

Given that the system is based on a pretense of private enterprise rather than its reality, we would not be surprised to find if there are many statistics regarding the economy that are inaccurate. While there has not been much reporting in this area, some indices are finally beginning to be challenged. It is not the Western media that is bringing these contradictions to the fore, but the Chinese, as follows via a Reuters report:

Inflation "under-statement" sparks row in China ... With price pressures on the rise in China, a rare public spat has broken out in government circles about whether the statistics agency is suppressing the full truth of how high inflation really is. Many Chinese have long harboured suspicions about the quality of official inflation data, saying that it does not adequately capture soaring property prices or food costs. But criticism took a curious turn this week when the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, a top government think-tank in Beijing, published a research article arguing that the consumer price index had been under- stated by more than 7 percent over the past five years.

Somewhat surprisingly, gold, silver and platinum all dropped yesterday on concerns, apparently, that China was going to raise rates. We have anticipated a pullback in precious metals, given the near verticality of prices recently (and what seemed like a kind of mini-promotion to drive prices up prior to a pullback), but the idea that China can move bullion prices is somewhat new to us. This brings us to our final point, which is a question of the convergence of Chinese and Western elites.

We have mentioned previously that some powerful Chinese families may self-indentify asJewish. The "Li" family in China is commonly held to be the most powerful, with the Lis (or Lees) also seen as controlling Hong Kong and prominent in Korea and perhaps even Singapore. There are questions as to whether these disparate familial groups are linked or not and even how much clout the Li family exercises within China. The Lis are said to operate within the communist party as well as outside of it and were also close to Mao.

But the larger point we would make here is there are likely competing power centers in China (army versus party, etc.) and the society itself is may not be nearly so historically congruent or long-lived Western ones. This is ironic since the Chinese civilization is far more ancient than its Western counterpart. While China may have its elites, the country's convulsive history over the past 200 years may have prevented a single dynastic family from emerging with ultimate power (though it is speculated within the alternative press that the Lis would come closest to fulfilling this profile.)

If there is not a series of dynastic families that allow for the convergence of Western money power, then the current contretemps within the G20 becomes even more meaningful. The differences of opinion are not after all a production for public consumption but an actual altercation that has not been resolved. This would indicate to us that Western powers-that-be have hastily (they do seem to be in a tremendous hurry these days) pulled their own house down upon their collective head without, perhaps, creating alternatives.

Many observers of the power elite scene believe that money power is fungible and it is evidently flowing East. But we are not so sure that Western elites can find a home in China as some. There is a difference between aiming one's manipulations at a third-world country and Europe or America in our view. Also so long as the depredations were restricted to Africa or South America, the elite Western elites were somewhat insulated from "blowback." But that hardly seems the case now.

What the G20 summit is showing us is a continuation of a trend. The Anglo-American axis was evidently not able to impose its will on the rest of the world. One can go round in circles trying to figure out if this is part of some sort of larger, Machiavellian strategy. But let us take it at face value for the moment. Right now any moves to solidify the IMF's control over the global economy via a more formalized role as a central bank does not seem entirely realistic. Currently, the Western elite's apparent goal of taking over the world's economies via the mechanisms of Bretton Woods seems to be less realizable, not more.

This is in line with other difficulties the Western power elite seems to be having. The truth-telling of the Internet itself has begun to invalidate many elite memes, from global warming to central banking to the "war on terror." Among other impacts, we tend to believe that the powers-that-be have speeded up their plans to consolidate world governance as a result. There may be other reasons (it is impossible for us to say) but this seems like an adequate, or at least reasonable, speculation. Is Western money power somehow seen as less formidable these days within the larger context of what is occurring?

These are fundamental questions for anyone trying to figure out where the global economy is headed and how it will get there. The ramifications are tremendous. After World War II, the Anglo-American axis had the clout to impose a kind of Pax Americana on the globe's bleeding nations. The US alone controlled something like 50 percent of the international productive capacity. But that was then. Today both America and Britain are far weaker, hollowed out by their own elites in what may prove to be a miscalculation.

If this same elite cannot re-impose its will on the world, then surely entropy will begin creep in as nature abhors a vacuum. The result could be, in our opinion some sort of gold standard, but one that is implemented by default, as powerful nations seek their own serial solutions. Perhaps it will be, even, a market-driven gold-and-silver standard alongside a free-banking regime.
Like you, dear reader, we are reading the tea leaves and following along as best we can. The G20 seems to be confirming our perspective that a formal, international realignment of control giving rise to additional institutions controlled by the Western elite is not going to happen easily or quickly, if at all. We return to a previous question, then: How does one build an "new world order" without fully dominating the world? And if one is willing to give up control for this goal, then the power-sharing itself invalidates the result. Either someone "rules the world" ... or not. A consortium would seem to be a contradiction-in-terms.

There are perhaps potential solutions: a new world war, a massive false flag event that would jolt the world into a new crisis mode and demand solutions that only the Western elite is in the position to provide. And yet even these seem to us not to address the fundamental problem of Western weakness in the face of a new century and a new communications technology that is undermining the secrecy of money power.

Conclusion: We continue to closely monitor this unfolding saga (the most important in the world in our view) in the hopes of divining more clues. But right now the reality of global governance and a new, international currency regime might be seen as receding not approaching. This is the lesson we tentatively take away from this latest G20 meeting, the most important one so far in our humble view. We could be wrong.
______________-


Obama Strikes Out Twice At G-20



G20: Profound And Complete Disappointment For The US Treasury

By Simon Johnson
Early Friday I went through the G20 communique for the Wall Street Journal; a marked up copy is available on-line.
It is hard to imagine how the summit could have gone any worse for the US Treasury and the president.  The spin machine is now working overtime – and you’ll see big efforts to get more positive stories over the coming week – but on all fronts the outcome is very bad.
  1. There was no substantive progress on anything to do with exchange rates.  The “indicative guidelines” to be agreed next year are just a way to kick the can down the road.  The Chinese are digging in hard on their exchange rate; this is headed towards a mutually destructive trade war.
  2. There was less disagreement at the summit regarding the ”regulation” of global megabanks – but only because this had been gutted so effectively by the bankers’ lobby and officials who bought their specious arguments.  There is nothing here that will prevent or limit the impact of another major worldwide financial crisis.
  3. On IMF governance, over which there was substantial fanfare in advance, it turns out there has been a major step backwards.  The Europeans have apparently signaled they are no longer willing to give up the job of Managing Director – they have always controlled this job and this is a major reason why IMF legitimacy remains weak.  Unless and until an emerging market person gets this position, no one (outside of Europe) will want to rely on the IMF in an emergency.  As a result all countries will want to “manage” their exchange rates – to the extent they can – along Chinese lines, aiming for a significant current account surplus (so as to build up foreign exchange reserves).  See point #1 above for the likely consequences of that.


“Money and the Midterms: Are the Parties Over? Interview with Thomas Ferguson”

Must read of the day, from New Deal 2.0 (my emphasis)


Lynn Parramore: What do you make of the 2010 Election?
Thomas Ferguson: The 2010 election was not like others. It was certainly not simply 2006 in reverse, this time with the Republicans winning by a landslide. There is an obvious cumulative process at work here, with first one party and then the other receiving lopsided votes of no confidence from voters. The U.S. economy is barely moving; millions of Americans are looking for work and struggling to find ways to salvage their life savings and pensions; the international position of the U.S. is sliding; and the government is largely paralyzed on issues that voters care about most. We have clearly been in a political crisis for some years; the meaning of the 2010 election is that this crisis is becoming much deeper, moving into an entirely different stage. The parallels to the Great Depression are eerie: At that time, in many countries, voters seem to have followed an “in-out,” “out-in” rule. But that process does not go on forever. As the Depression deepened with no solutions, all kinds of strange creatures started creeping out of the shadows. The U.S. seems to be entering that stage.

Lynn Parramore: You’re implying the political system failed in some serious way. How so?
Thomas Ferguson: 2008 had all the earmarks of a classic realigning election, as my old colleague Walter Dean Burnham describes them. In the wake of the financial collapse, it looked for all the world like voters were ready for, even demanding, major reforms. They had elected a Democratic President on a promise of “Change,” with both houses of Congress solidly Democratic. That’s why many people were thinking that Obama was going give us a modern New Deal. They really believed him when he promised change. Instead, Obama’s failure on the economy has discredited the whole idea of the activist state. The dimensions of this failure were spectacular: he didn’t move aggressively to combat unemployment, the economic stimulus was half as large as it needed to be, and he didn’t deal with the mortgage crisis. So unemployment stayed way up, and many people remain in danger of losing their homes or are underwater on their mortgages, with the whole housing sector stalling out. To make matters worse, the administration lavished aid on the financial sector. The spectacle of the government aiding bankers, who turned around and paid themselves record bonuses, has just been unbearable for millions of people.
What the election really shows is not that the parties can’t agree — Democrats and most of the GOP leadership finally agreed on the bank bailouts, for example — but that the American people will not accept the policies that leaders in both parties prefer. In 2006 and 2008, the population voted no-confidence in the Republicans on the war and the economy. They have just now presented the Democrats with another resounding a no-confidence vote. What makes the current situation intractable is the fundamental reason for these serial failures. It’s obvious: big money dominates both major parties. The Obama campaign’s dependence on money and personnel from the financial sector was clear to anyone who looked, even before he won the nomination, promoted Geithner, brought Summers back, and reappointed Bernanke. For years I’ve promised people that I’ll tell you who bought your candidate before you vote for him or her, by simply applying my “investment theory of political parties.” When I analyzed the early money in Obama’s campaign in March, 2008, it was impossible not to see that many of the people responsible for the financial crisis were major Obama supporters. As I wrote for TPM, serious financial reform would not be on President Obama’s agenda.

Lynn Parramore: Lots of people point out that the banks have paid back the bailout funds and that the government actually made money on the deal. Can Obama at least claim that this policy was good for the American people?
Thomas Ferguson: The bailout was originally not Obama’s but George Bush’s, though Obama supported it during the campaign. The “banks-paid-us-back” story is mostly Treasury propaganda. The claim is really based on a narrow accounting of TARP funds. In fact, a lot of that aid has not been paid back. AIG, for example, is still heavily owned by the government. Secondly, the aid was way, way underpriced — meaning that the federal government got very little for its money. If you want to see what market-driven terms you could get for aiding banks at the height of the crisis, just look at what Warren Buffett received for buying into Goldman Sachs. Most importantly of all, the banks actually got far more help than the direct TARP monies. They received sweeping FDIC guarantees on their debt and truly gigantic amounts of aid from Freddie Mac, Fannie Mae, and the Federal Reserve. All three of these entities have supported the market for mortgage-backed securities that the banks own. They bought huge amounts of them, taking the risks right out of banks, putting it on taxpayers, and in the process handing handsome profits to banks. Regulators allowed the banks to rip off their depositors and credit and debit card holders, while the Fed handed out virtually free money to banks. To add insult to injury, the regulators have allowed the bankers to use the profits from all these government subsidies to award themselves huge, indeed, record-setting bonuses. Those funds should have been used to strengthen the balance sheets of the banks. And if all this weren’t enough, regulators also permitted the banks to hide the true value of their bad loans and they let it be known that the largest ones were Too Big To Fail, which allows them to borrow funds more cheaply than smaller banks. The net result of these big bank-friendly “forbearance” policies is that we have all paid to make these banks fabulously profitable, yet they still remain very weak institutions and are not lending. The resemblance to Japan’s “lost decade” is obvious.

Lynn Parramore: Was there ever a chance that Obama could be a new FDR?
Thomas Ferguson: People who were hailing Obama as a new FDR were viewing American politics through the wrong lens. They were treating public policy as the result of the will of voters. But in fact, American political parties are mostly bank accounts. What you are told is the voice of the people is usually the sound of money talking.
Much of my research has been devoted to showing how both parties are dominated by blocs of large investors. The policy choices political parties present to the public on Social Security, macroeconomic policy, campaign finance reform, and indeed nearly every other policy area save a handful of hot-button “social issues” are basically dominated by big money. The consequences are disastrous: Neither party can level with the American people in crises. They cannot diagnose problems like the financial crisis with any honesty and they can’t make any detailed case for why the policies they do sponsor would actually benefit ordinary Americans. What we get instead are pseudo-explanations, myths, and sometimes, obvious mendacity. Political discussions in the media, where they are not distorted by the plain interests of the concerns themselves, are dominated by denizens of the “think tank” and “policy institute” world. Most of these institutions are heavily driven by, surprise, surprise, big money in the form of donors. As Robert Johnson and I documented in our paper for last year’s INET Conference, growing inequality in the United States complicates this dismal picture by converting regulatory agencies into recruiting grounds for would be millionaires via the revolving door, while at the same time permitting the financial sector to substitute virtually untraceable stock tips for direct contributions.

Lynn Parramore: Where do you see politicians making up policy myths right now?
Thomas Ferguson: On the Republican side, you again have people claiming that the problems of the Great Recession can be solved by reapplying the policies of Herbert Hoover. Surely this is amazing; they are plumping for going straight back to the deregulated market economy that brought you the 2008 disaster. It’s simply crazy, for example, to even consider leaving financial houses free to decide on their own level of leverage, to sell derivatives on exchanges that are not fully transparent, or to sell junk securities to their own customers without telling them. But the Republicans are threatening to roll back even the anemic Dodd-Frank financial “reform” legislation, though, to be fair, they will have plenty of Democratic support for some of this.
And it’s obvious that neither party wants to address the problem of campaign finance reform. Instead, the Democrats spent part of the campaign talking up dangers from “foreign” money. It’s not as though the problems of the system of American political financing come from foreign money. The problem is mostly domestic money. And the Supreme Court has made everything worse with its Citizens United decision. But, note well, the tragedy of big money in the Democratic Party was clear long before that Supreme Court ruling or even before Obama started running for president. Just look at the earlier cases I analyzed in my Golden Rule.
Fundamentally, the problem of money and politics is very simple: campaigning is costly, much more costly than classical democratic theory has acknowledged. Some way has to be found to pay for it. We may take it as an axiom that those who pay for the campaign will control it. So the choices boil down to just two: either we all pay a little, through public financing of campaigns, or a relative handful of the super-rich end up controlling the system because they pay for the campaign.

Lynn Parramore: Does the financial sector give more to Democrats or Republicans?
Thomas Ferguson: We’ve all seen the staggering statistics on lobbying and political contributions by the financial sector over the last couple of years. More recently, we’ve also heard about how finance is supposed to have turned against the Democrats. There’s something to this: bank contributions to the Republicans increased when discussions of a Consumer Financial Protection Bureau started as the House began considering Dodd-Frank. Contributions to the GOP swelled when the White House panicked after Scott Brown won the special election to fill Ted Kennedy’s seat in Massachusetts and endorsed the so-called “Volcker Rule”, just as public indignation about bank bonuses was at its height. But the size of the shift toward Republicans has been exaggerated. If you look at total political contributions from securities and investment firms over the entire 2009-2010 election cycle, you will see that more money still flowed to the Democrats. Commercial banks, a narrower sub-group of the financial sector, gave more to Republicans, but only by about 60-40.

Lynn Parramore: So where does all this leave the American political system?
Thomas Ferguson: I think the answer is pretty clear: The political system is disintegrating, probably heading toward a real breakdown of some sort. The striking thing is that if you look beneath the surface of the victorious Republican Party, it is about as contentiously divided as the Democrats. The Tea Party’s distrust of the party establishment is apparent, but the divisions within the GOP predated the Tea Party’s emergence. They were obvious in 2008. At that time, it was pretty clear that a majority of the party did not want McCain. But there was no consensus on an alternative. 2012 is looking like a repeat of 2008: All kinds of people are eyeing the race, including several would-be candidates who can probably raise large war chests. In the end, somebody is going to win — my dark horse candidate is Haley Barbour, probably the Republican politician who is most closely connected to big business — but the whole party is unlikely to unite around him or her. In all probability, the GOP primaries will turn into a demolition derby, tending to discredit everyone involved. I also doubt that the Republican governors who are now promising to cut state budgets will find the public nearly as receptive to deep cuts as they think it will be, as people watch essential social services disappear, prisons empty, and see educational institutions trashed out that are in many cases the only hope of lagging states. Nor do I believe there is any popular majority for cutting Social Security, which is clearly emerging as a major issue just as we speak. And parts of the health care legislation are really popular, so that just saying no is going to look pretty foolish after some months.
The key to the future of American politics is the course of unemployment, though that is linked vitally to housing markets and how you deal with people’s lost pensions and savings. If unemployment stays high, I would not be surprised to see some intra-party challenges to President Obama, even though right now everyone dismisses that possibility. The unions went down the line with Obama for the last two years and they have little to show for it; some of them are already scouting other possibilities. It is also interesting to speculate about Jerry Brown — just watch his star rise if he succeeds in overcoming the California fiscal crisis. Were Brown to defeat Obama in a few primaries, then the temptation for Hillary Clinton to come in would be intense. And right now the United States is mired down in two shooting wars that are not going very well.
Even more interesting are the possibilities of a third party candidacy — the obvious entrant is Mayor Bloomberg. He’s plainly considering it. I notice that he does not appear to have folded the network of organizations that quietly talked up his candidacy in 2008. That tells you plenty.

Lynn Parramore: So is American politics fated to be all doom and gloom?
Thomas Ferguson: If you want a happy ending, you probably shouldn’t follow our system too closely in the next few years. Instead, go see a Disney movie, unless perhaps Tim Burton is making it. Bloomberg, Brown, or Hillary Clinton, though, are all known quantities. But the experience of the Great Depression was that as things failed to improve the swamp creatures got their chance. And when the economic situation shook out, the geopolitics became more sinister. It would be a rash person indeed who counted on a happy ending to this mess.

Obama Team's Deficit Cutting Proposal: Benefit the Few, Harm the Many

by Stephen Lendman

November 12, 2010

Some background. In his January 27 State of the Union address, Obama announced plans to "freeze government spending for three years," starting in 2011, saying he'd establish a bipartisan fiscal commission by executive order to cut the deficit by imposed austerity. In other words, harm the many by social spending cuts, including Social Security and Medicare, not defense, banker handouts, other corporate favorite subsidies, or the rich.

Then on February 18, a White House press release announced the commission's establishment - a "bipartisan National Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform (NCFRF)," co-chaired by two deficit hawks, former Senator Alan Simpson (R. WY) and Erskine Bowles, former Clinton White House Chief of Staff, heading an 18-member team stacked with like-minded members. Their mandate: slash Medicare, Social Security and other social spending. Fiscal austerity for the many, unlimited wealth opportunities for the few, an agenda from hell.

On November 10, New York Times writer Jackie Calmes headlined, "Panel Seeks Social Security Cuts and Tax Increases,' saying:

Obama's commission presented "a politically provocative and economically ambitious package, (igniting) a debate that is likely to grip the country for years." Among others, its proposals include:

-- ending or capping middle class tax breaks, including deductions for home mortgage interest and tax-free employer provided medical insurance;

-- taxing capital gains and dividends the same as ordinary income; long-term capital gains and qualified dividends are currently taxed at 15%;

-- lowering income tax rates dramatically to 9, 15 and 24%, down from six current brackets ranging from 10 - 35% for income over $373,650;

-- slashing corporate tax rates from the top 35% rate to 26%, combined with eliminating some deductions;

-- making permanent the research and development tax credit;

-- making deeper Medicare cuts; increasing Medicaid co-pays; slashing $54 billion from graduate medical education; and enacting "comprehensive tort reform," making it harder for aggrieved patients to file malpractice suits;

-- raising the Social Security retirement age to 69 by 2075; reducing cost-of-living increases, now based on annual inflation rates; raising the payroll tax ceiling to $200,000, letting million dollar earners off the hook like now;

-- cutting the federal work force 10% by 2015, adding to the unemployment rolls;

-- raising the federal gasoline tax by 15 cents a gallon and imposing "user fees" on motorists - to have workers fund the federal transportation and highway spending program; and

-- cutting $100 billion in military spending, including administration, inefficiencies, "unnecessary" weapons (likely ones Pentagon brass don't want in lieu of others they won't sacrifice), force contingents on overseas bases, and healthcare benefits for military retirees through enacted premiums and higher co-pays; unmentioned is the Pentagon's open-ended black budget, supplemental Iraq and Afghanistan appropriations, and commitment to continued imperial wars; also that military spending will grow annually, unimpeded;

Overall, by 2020, NCFRF proposes cutting growing deficits by about $3.8 trillion, half of the expected $7.7 trillion otherwise incurred.

At the Seoul, South Korea G-20 summit, Obama asked Democrat party leaders to hold off criticizing necessary "tough choices," adding:

"Before anybody starts shooting down proposals, we need to listen, gather up all the facts, and be straight with the American people." What, in fact, he hasn't done on all administration policies since taking office, nor is he doing now, proposing enormous harm to working Americans, while showering benefits on corporate favorites, bankers most of all. Wall Street, in fact, is spending millions of dollars promoting NCFRF's proposal.

AFL-CIO president Richard Trumka, hardly a legitimate rank and file supporter, said the proposal amounts to telling "working Americans to 'Drop Dead'. Especially in these tough economic times, it is unconscionable to be proposing cuts to the critical economic lifelines for working people, Social Security and Medicare."

Even the conservative Americans for Tax Reform expressed criticism, saying:

"It confirms what everyone has known - this commission is merely an excuse to raise net taxes on the American people," ordinary ones, that is.

If approved, in whole or in part, proposed changes will become effective in 2012. Deficit hawks want it accomplished before the 112th Congress convenes in January. Public anger is needed to stop it, a thinly veiled scheme to take from the many for the few, the administration very supportive. Rhetoric aside, coming debate will determine whether congressional Democrats concur. At this point, it's not a done deal. Clearly, however, political sentiment favors cuts on the backs of those least able to afford or contest them, ordinary people always betrayed, Obama again proving more ruthless than Bush.

The Myth of the Social Security Crisis

Ending it is ultimately planned, preceded by benefit cuts and privatization, a scheme based on bogusly claiming future insolvency if remedial action isn't taken. In fact, Social Security sound and secure, the most conservative projections showing all scheduled benefits can be paid for the next 27 years with no structural changes. Saying it's going broke is a lie. Using that excuse for Medicare is another canard. Both programs are fiscally sound if properly administered.

Even by 2100, retiree benefits will be double what current recipients get, with minor or no remedial adjustments. Media reports, however, say otherwise, calling the system in crisis when none whatever exists. For decades, it's been the single most important program keeping seniors and the disabled out of poverty. Eroding or destroying benefits will be catastrophic. That's precisely what's planned, however, Obama in tow with Wall Street, betraying the people who elected him, this among many other ways.

If ever a Social Security fix is needed, a simple solution exists. Remove the payroll tax ceiling, taxing all earned income at the same rate. Doing it will dispel insolvency arguments. Improved fairness will also result for a program designed as social insurance, not welfare, as is Medicare, both programs funded by employer/employee payroll tax deductions.

Another equitable solution is also avoided - overhauling the dysfunctional tax system, replacing it with a progressive one, making high earners pay their fair share instead of getting a free ride like today.

Robin Hood Economics

At issue, is ending all social benefits, including Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid, returning America to pre-New Deal days with everyone on their own to survive. At the same time, military budgets keep rising. Greater wealth disparity is planned, and repressive crackdowns will target resisters, both parties committed to regressive changes, no end to imperial harshness, and channeling the nation's resources unfairly, benefitting the few, not the many.

A Final Comment

Whatever National Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform (NCFRF) proposals are adopted, more are coming, including from a lesser known group - the Bipartisan Policy Center (BPC) headed by former Senator Pete Domenici (R. NM) and Alice Rivlin, former Congressional Budget Office director and Clinton Director of the Office of Management and Budget.

Established in 2007 by former Senators Howard Baker (R. TN), Tom Daschle (D. SD), Bob Dole (R. KS), and George Mitchell (D. ME), it aims "to develop and promote solutions....that make sense for the nation and can be embraced by both sides of the aisle." Its focused issues include national and homeland security, financial services, transportation, and reducing the nation's deficit. Its recommended spending cuts will be proposed, complementing NCFRF's with more draconian ones, underscoring fear to get them enacted.

In a November 10 press release, BPC "appaud(ed NCFRF's) efforts....to address the nation's serious fiscal problems and hopes they can achieve the commission's support for a viable plan."

A supportive November 10 New York Times editorial also endorsed it titled, "Some Fiscal Reality," saying:

"The draft proposal by the chairmen of President Obama's deficit-reduction commission was a welcome antidote to the low-minded debate that dominated the midterm elections," offering "no credible plans."

"It lays out sensible principles....It puts everything on the table, including tax reform" and spending cuts. "At a time when good ideas are depressingly scarce in the political and economic debate, and bipartisan agreement even scarcer, this is a commendable start."

The editorial ended saying:

"We hoped the Republicans would pause long enough in their gleeful planning of President Obama's final defeat, and the Democrats would stop wringing their hands, long enough to read this important document - and then act on it."

Given decades of distorting and suppressing truth, endorsing imperial wars, supporting wealth and power, backing corporate interests, and disdaining working Americans, the Times' position is unsurprising. It also recommends a value added tax to "spur growth," hitting lower income Americans hardest if enacted.

Hopefully saner voices and public outrage will kill it, sending it to history's dustbin where it belongs, along with neanderthal extremists who proposed it.

Stephen Lendman lives in Chicago and can be reached at lendmanstephen@sbcglobal.net. Also visit his blog site at sjlendman.blogspot.com and listen to cutting-edge discussions with distinguished guests on the Progressive Radio News Hour on the Progressive Radio Network Thursdays at 10AM US Central time and Saturdays and Sundays at noon. All programs are archived for easy listening.

Timetable Abandoned: U.S. And NATO To Wage Endless War In Afghanistan

by Rick Rozoff*

Voltairenet 13 NOVEMBER 2010

No one who has an ear to the ground will be surprised to learn that President Obama’s announced 2011 Afghan drawdown was nothing but a political mirage. The Pentagon and NATO are in Afghanistan for the long haul. Through a network of partnerships across the globe and military installations including nuclear weapons, they have forced themselves into the heart of Eurasia, controlling resources and reaping benefits the strategic value of which knock any de-escalation prospect off the table.



The mainstream news media and alternative sources alike have seized on a recent revelation – though it is hardly such – published by McClatchy Newspapers that “The Obama administration has decided to begin publicly walking away from what it once touted as key deadlines in the war in Afghanistan in an effort to remove emphasis from Barack Obama’s pledge that he would begin withdrawing US forces in July 2011.” [1]
An article in this series of over a month earlier, "U.S. And NATO To Wage War 15-Year War In Afghanistan And Pakistan" [2], documented that much and more, and any attentive reader of news on the Internet during the preceding weeks would not have been surprised by the McClatchy feature.
On October 25 Edmund Whiteside, North Atlantic Treaty Organization Council Secretary, spoke at Concordia University in Montreal, Canada, and according to the local press said, “Expect the war in Afghanistan — the longest military engagement in both Canadian and American history — to continue for a ‘very long’ time.” In his exact words, “Afghanistan will be a very long military venture.”
His position will be confirmed at the NATO summit in Lisbon, Portugal next week, as will a major commitment demanded by the U.S.-dominated military bloc’s new Strategic Concept to be adopted at the meeting: The retention of nuclear arms in NATO’s arsenal and the continued stationing of American nuclear bombs in Europe. Whiteside also argued: “Canada says that it doesn’t need ballistic missiles. But Canada is part of a nuclear policy alliance. There’s no getting around that….” [3]
On November 8, the day before the McClatchy article appeared, the spokesman for the 152,000-troop, 50-nation, NATO-led International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan, German Brigadier-General Josef Blotz, stated that “no timetable has been set for withdrawal of coalition troops from Afghanistan.”
Blotz confirmed that “There has been no timetable yet.”
In regard to transferring security control to Afghan forces, he said, “We will not [proceed] according to a fixed timetable, it will be carried out based on conditions to be achieved over the next couple of years.” [4]
On November 11, Prime Minister Stephen Harper of Canada spoke on the sidelines of the G20 summit in Seoul, South Korea and said that “he’s decided … to keep troops in Afghanistan in a noncombat training role after Canada’s combat mission ends in 2011.”
JPEG - 63.5 kb
Prime Minister Harper addresses Canadian troops in Afghanistan, October 2009.
Associated Press cited a senior Canadian government official verifying that his nation “will keep 750 military trainers and 250 support staff in Afghanistan until 2014….” [5]
A similarly bleak perspective on any withdrawal – or beginning of one – next year was offered on the preceding day by the commander of British forces in southern Afghanistan, Major General Nick Carter, who “gave a devastating assessment of the war effort in Afghanistan.”
Carter admitted that “In my tour I lost 302 soldiers. Most of them American. The cost in blood and treasure has been enormous.” He added that NATO wouldn’t know if it was winning – whatever that word signifies in a war already in its tenth year and escalating to new heights by the day – until June of 2011, “when the fighting season begins again” and the Atlantic Alliance and the Pentagon can “compare Taliban attacks with this year.” [6]
The U.S. and NATO – the distinction is merely formal as recent estimates are that 140,000 of the 150,000 foreign troops in Afghanistan now serve under NATO command – have lost 633 troops in the war as of November 11. That compares to 521 for all of last year and 295 in 2008. 1,184 of the total 2,203 Western military deaths in the country have occurred in the past 22 months.
Citing U.S. Air Force statistics, an ABC News report of November 10, “Number of Afghan Air Strikes Highest Ever,” disclosed that the amount of air strikes conducted in Afghanistan in October – approximately 1,000 – was the highest monthly total in the war that began in 2001, up from 700 the previous month, which itself marked a 172 per cent increase over September of 2009.
The article also detailed that the amount of American and NATO combat sorties so far this year, 26,948, exceeds the previous high of 26,474 from last year. [7]
Across the border in Pakistan, the U.S. has launched at least 20 drone missile attacks that have killed 130 or more people since the beginning of last month.
A violation of Pakistani airspace by a NATO helicopter gunship in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas occurred on November 2 for at least the fifth time since September, with one killing three Pakistani soldiers on the last day of the latter month.
Earlier this month opposition parliamentarians in Pakistan “expressed serious concern over the violation of Pakistani airspace by North Atlantic Territory Organisation (NATO) forces” and “staged a walkout from [a] Senate session in protest and strongly condemned the airspace violations by NATO forces.” [8]
According to a feature in India’s Frontline magazine, “President Obama has substantially increased defence spending and has expanded the war in Afghanistan,” and “the Obama administration has wholeheartedly endorsed the Bush administration’s policy of eliminating terror suspects using pilotless high-tech drone aircraft.
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Drone damage in Afghanistan.
“Instead of using the laborious technique of capturing alleged terrorists from their hideouts in crowded cities and remote villages, the drones just bomb the house or village where the suspects are holed up. In the process, there has been huge collateral damage. Innocent civilians killed far outnumber those killed in the fight against the occupation.
“Ever since he took office two years ago, Obama has made thedeadly drones a key instrument in his fight against the militants in Afghanistan and Pakistan. The drones are also being used liberally to target militants in Yemen and Somalia.” [9]
The Afghan war in its tenth year has expanded into a far broader conflict, one which grows in both scope and lethality with each passing week and will escalate yet further before it begins to wind down, if it ever does.
President Obama’s pledge last year to “draw down” U.S. and NATO combat forces from South and Central Asia – they are also stationed in Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan – next year is now revealed to be the transparent political manipulation it was from the start.
A piece by Stephen M. Walt was published on the website ofNational Public Radio on November 11, entitled “Foreign Policy: Bait And Switch In Afghanistan.”
Walt is a professor of international affairs at Harvard University’s John F. Kennedy School of Government, serves on the editorial boards of Foreign PolicySecurity Studies,International Relations, and the Journal of Cold War Studies, and is the co-author of The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy with John Mearsheimer.
He wondered at the chorus of surprise, genuine or feigned, that has greeted the McClatchy article, stating:
“I don’t know anyone who thought the U.S. could turn things around in 18 months, and that particular deadline was little more than a piece of political sleight-of-hand designed to make escalation look like a temporary step. Reasonable people can disagree about whether Obama’s decision to escalate in Afghanistan was the right one (I think it wasn’t), but Obama’s straddle on this issue is one reason why some of his most enthusiastic supporters have become disenchanted.”
Listing historical precedents, and at least hinting at the public’s inveterate gullibility, Walt added, “there’s a long tradition of presidents telling the American people that some new military mission won’t take long and won’t cost that much. Nixon told us he has a ‘secret plan’ to end the Vietnam War (he didn’t) and Bill Clinton said U.S. troops would only be in Bosnia for 12 months (it was more like nine years). President George W. Bush and his advisors said that the occupation of Iraq would be brief and pay for itself yet we are still there today. And now Obama has done essentially same thing: selling an increase committed by suggesting that it is only temporary, and then backing away from his own self-imposed deadline.” Stephen M. Walt, Foreign Policy: Bait And Switch In Afghanistan National Public Radio, November 11, 2010
Further vows to deescalate the conflict, not only the longest war in American history as was noted above but also in Afghanistan’s, will predictably follow the U.S. political cycle, especially the 2012 presidential election and Obama’s presumed reelection bid, but will prove as false as last year’s.
The Pentagon and what on November 19 and 20 will be officially unveiled as global NATO have reaped substantial benefits from the war in Afghanistan that both are reluctant to relinquish. They have insinuated their militaries into the center of Eurasia for the long haul. And they have built an international network of installations and military partnerships to service the war, from the world’s first multinational strategic airlift operation in Hungary to a transit base in Kyrgyzstan through which at least 50,000 troops pass each month in and out of Afghanistan and the subordination of the armed forces of scores of nations in Europe and Asia.
In recent days, for example, the Afghan war has provided the U.S. and NATO with unprecedented opportunities to expand their worldwide military reach:
President Nursultan Nazarbayev of Kazakhstan, which has the largest oil and natural gas reserves in the Caspian Sea Basin and borders Russia and China, visited NATO Headquarters in Brussels to meet with Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen. Rasmussen “thanked President Nazarbayev for his country’s support for the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in Afghanistan,” [10] and Nazarbayev announced that “Several Kazakhstani troops will serve at the headquarters of the international coalition in Afghanistan.” [11]
Admiral Giampaolo di Paola, Chairman of the NATO Military Committee, visited Georgia to meet with the country’s defense and foreign ministers and the chief of the Joint Staff of the Georgian Armed Forces and to inspect the NATO-supported Krtsanisi National Training Center, the newly established NATO Liaison Office in the nation’s capital, and the “33rd Battalion of the III Infantry Brigade going to replace [the] contingent of the 32nd Battalion currently deployed in Afghanistan.” [12] Georgia fought a five-day war with Russia in August of 2008 and NATO is training its armed forces for more than just the war in Afghanistan.
U.S. Special Operations Command recently concluded training exercises for troops from the Czech Republic, Lithuania and Poland in Germany. The Pentagon described their purpose as follows:
“Coordination and synchronization between conventional and special operations forces (SOF) is crucial on the modern battlefield since both share integral roles within an area of responsibility – whether it involves intelligence gathering or conducting combat operations….[T]he training event was part of an annual brigade-level mission rehearsal exercise…to prepare conventional force units assigned to the U.S. European Command area of operations for deployment to Afghanistan.” [13]
Lithuania and Poland have borders with Russia and both host NATO forces, at an air base in the first and a training center in the second nation. Earlier this month the Czech parliament approved the deployment of additional troops, including special forces, to Afghanistan next year, raising the nation’s NATO contingent to 720 soldiers.
Also this month, Polish troops trained at an Illinois Army National Guard base an hour’s drive from Chicago, and a Polish officer involved in the training stated: “We train together because we fight together. If we train together we fight and work better in Afghanistan. It is good idea to train together before we deploy. We are good soldiers and our brigade was deployed in Iraq two times and in Afghanistan so we work at a high level. We are ready.” [14]
The connection between nations supplying troops for the war in Afghanistan and the U.S. committing to intervene on their behalf in conflicts with neighboring states was recently affirmed by Philip H. Gordon, Assistant Secretary of State for European and Eurasian Affairs.
At a strategy meeting in Poland late last month he said: “I think there is broad support among allies for the balance between NATO’s traditional missions of Article 5, which is collective defence, and also the need for the Alliance to deal with new security challenges around the world, and we are very comfortable with that balance.” [15]
The Swedish parliament has extended the deployment of troops to Afghanistan, where Sweden is engaged in combat operations and has lost troops for the first time in two centuries, months after the government abolished the last vestige of conscription to meet NATO “professionalization” demands and announced a mandatory foreign deployment obligation for all troops.
Last week German Defense Minister Karl-Theodor zu Guttenberg visited Mongolia, which also borders China and Russia, and met “with soldiers of the first Mongolian mission contingent, which had been deployed to the German defense area in Afghanistan.” [16]
JPEG - 35.2 kb
President Barack Obama arrived in Mumbai, India on November 6 and announced $10 billion in business deals with his host country which he claimed will contribute to creating 50,000 new American jobs. By some accounts half the transactions will be for India’s purchase of U.S. military equipment and half the new jobs will be created in the defense sector.
Against the backdrop of President Obama’s visit to Mumbai and New Delhi, reports have surfaced that India could be enlisted to provide troops for NATO’s International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan. Indian defense analyst Bharat Singh recently asserted that “The almost 9,000 Indian troops deployed on UN peacekeeping missions could easily be re-deployed in Afghanistan.” [17]
In Bulgaria, where the Pentagon has acquired four new military bases – including two air bases – since 2006, Defense Minister Anyu Angelov recently stated that 7 percent of his nation’s defense – if it can be called that – budget is allotted for the war in Afghanistan, where troop strength will rise from 536 to over 600. He also said that Bulgaria “will be setting no deadline for withdrawal of its troops from Afghanistan.” [18]
Nevertheless, James Warlick, U.S. ambassador to the country, spoke at a conference entitled "Europe for Afghanistan: from Understanding to Support" held at the Military Club in the Bulgarian capital, saying “Bulgaria could up its efforts in Afghanistan and do more.” [19]
The consolidation of a far-reaching military nexus for and dependent on the Afghan war is not limited to Europe’s east. Last month “A small corner of Cornwall [became] Afghanistan.” At the Royal Air Force St Mawgan facility 1,000 troops from NATO’s Allied Rapid Reaction Corps (ARRC) participated in “a major NATO training exercise, the first of its kind in the UK” [20] in preparation for deployment to Afghanistan in January.
“The ARRC servicemen were in the county preparing for their final training before being deployed for operational service in Afghanistan next year.
“Exercise ARRCade Spear II aims to offer recruits training ahead of their work as part of NATO’s International Security Assistance Force.” [21]
Shortly afterward, “328 soldiers, including 45 teams from the full-time British Army, UK Territorial Army teams and entrants from foreign armies” took part in Exercise Cambrian Patrol in Wales, “as one of the most prestigious patrolling tests within NATO.” [22]
From Cornwall to Mongolia, Kazakhstan to Illinois, Sweden to Wales, Poland to Georgia, Lithuania to India and beyond, NATO and the Pentagon are strengthening military partnerships and networks around the Afghan war. Neither Washington nor Brussels is in a hurry to abandon a conflict that has allowed both to globalize their military roles.



 Rick Rozoff
Rick Rozoff has been involved in anti-war and anti-interventionist work in various capacities for forty years. He lives in Chicago, Illinois. Is the manager of Stop NATO international.
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[1] Nancy A. Youssef, "Obama officials moving away from 2011 Afghan date"McClatchy Newspapers, November 6, 2010.
[2"U.S. And NATO To Wage War 15-Year War In Afghanistan And Pakistan"Stop NATO, October 6, 2010.
[3The Link, November 2, 2010.
[4Xinhua News Agency, November 8, 2010.
[5Associated Press, November 11, 2010.
[6Daily Mirror, November 11, 2010.
[7] Luis Martinez, "Number of Afghan Air Strikes Highest Ever"ABC News, November 10, 2010.
[8Daily Times, November 4, 2010.
[9] John Cherian, "Hellfire from the sky"Frontline, November 6-19, 2010.
[10] North Atlantic Treaty Organization, October 26, 2010."Kazakhstan: U.S., NATO Seek Military Outpost Between Russia And China"Stop NATO, April 14, 2010.
[11Central Asia Online, October 27, 2010.
[12] Ministry of Defence of Georgia, October 29, 2010.
[13] U.S. European Command, October 26, 2010.
[14Belleville News Democrat, November 1, 2010.
[15Polish Radio, October 29, 2010.
[16Ulaanbaatar Post , November 5, 2010. "Mongolia: Pentagon Trojan Horse Wedged Between China And Russia"Stop NATO, March 31, 2010.
[17Daily Times, November 7, 2010.
[18Sofia News Agency, October 26, 2010.
[19Sofia News Agency, October 26, 2010.
[20Pirate FM, October 14, 2010.
[21This Is Cornwall, October 14, 2010.
[22The Star, November 1, 2010.


_____________


Related:
The Obama Administration: Covering up Old Crimes While Committing New Ones
By Kenneth J. Theisen

November 12, 2010 - Justice and accountability for the crimes of the Bush regime and the Obama administration have been denied once again this week by Obama’s Department of Justice (DOJ). On November 09, 2010 Special Federal Prosecutor John Durham made it clear that he will not bring criminal charges against any of the CIA personnel involved in the destruction of videotapes depicting the torture of alleged "terrorists." The Obama administration is now covering up the cover up of torture crimes...

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